Maoism - Book Summary

Discover the enduring impact of Maoist ideology

Maoism — a doctrine extending beyond the boundaries of China — has etched a significant mark on the fabric of global political terrain. A blend of unwavering party loyalty, fervent anti-imperialism, and the ideology of perpetual revolution, Maoism has shaped uprisings, defied subjugation, and challenged the status quo for almost a century. It's a narrative that intertwines with many of the defining moments and movements of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

Mao Zedong's reimagining of Marxism adapted the principles for Chinese peasantry, deviating from the urban proletariat focus in traditional Marxism. However, the essence of Maoism's resilience lies in its adaptability. Across the globe, Maoist principles have been selectively adopted by leaders and laborers alike, each tailoring the ideology to their unique struggles and aspirations.

During the bipolar tension of the Cold War, Maoism emerged as a third-way beacon, starkly contrasting both Soviet Communism and American Capitalism. It offered a blueprint for independence and revolution that many nations and disenfranchised communities found appealing. And surprisingly, despite the dissolution of the Cold War's dichotomy, Maoism continues to fuel the flames of revolt and resistance.

Engage with this odyssey of Maoist thought to uncover:

- How an American reporter unwittingly contributed to the rise of Mao's iconic stature;

- The disturbing extent of Maoist China's role in international atrocities;

- What Black Panther Party leader Eldridge Cleaver's sharp commentary revealed about his view of China's great helmsman.

Unpacking the pillars of Maoist philosophy

The incarnation of Communism we attribute to the grand strategist Mao Zedong did not spring forth in a vacuum. It was born from the savage repression that the Communists faced, starting with the Shanghai Massacre of 1927. That bloodbath had a profound impact on the Communist movement, catalyzing the conclusion that an armed struggle was necessary. Mao and his adherents saw violence as a crucial tool — it was the hammer to forge a Communist future.

Fundamental tenets crystallize the essence of Maoism:

- At the core of Maoist thought lay the revolutionary potential of the rural peasantry, not the urban working class as traditionally highlighted by Marxist doctrine. The Chinese Communist Party, under Mao's vision, saw the countryside as fertile ground for sowing the seeds of Communism, an approach that garnered the Party unparalleled support among rural populations.

- Another initial hallmark of Maoism was its radical approach to gender equality, promoting women's liberation as a key component of the ideology. However, Mao's personal life, marred by infidelity and mistreatment of his partners, stood in stark contrast to such egalitarian claims.

- The CCP, under Mao’s guidance, vocally supported global anti-imperialism, positioning China as a champion of the cause amid worldwide movements for decolonization.

While striving to uplift the oppressed, Maoism also incorporated darker strategies. Mao's China was marked by relentless purges. Dissenters were not only castigated within the Party; they were often subjected to vilification through prolonged public spectacles, culminating in brutal executions. This method of psychological and physical coercion, aptly named thought reform, became a disturbing hallmark of the Maoist regime.

Continuous revolution, an official tenet within Maoist propaganda, underscored the necessity for constant vigilance and purification within society. The Cultural Revolution, launched by Mao in 1967, epitomized this principle. Its directive to eradicate capitalist and traditionalist elements within China led to a decade of tumult that saw countless lives lost through execution or starvation.

Despite the grim realities of the Cultural Revolution, Mao's words have resonated with insurgents and revolutionaries worldwide. Maoism propounds the idea that sheer willpower can prevail over material circumstance and expertise, an attractive notion for those yearning for radical change.

The journalist who painted Maoism with an American brush

The China of 1936 was a tumultuous battleground, where Mao Zedong's Communists were locked in a fierce conflict with Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist forces. It was during this time of internal strife that Mao found an unlikely chronicler in an American man named Edgar Snow. Once a regular copywriter who found his way to Shanghai, Snow transformed into a seasoned journalist, with an upcoming venture that would significantly shape the image of Maoism around the globe.

It was a rough setting for Snow, who spent months sharing the cave shelters of the Communist stronghold, noting narratives that would soon captivate the world. It resulted in the creation of "Red Star Over China," a book that would engrave Mao's image as a relatable pioneer, a dedicated nationalist, and a leader of great character.

The publication was an instant international sensation, altering how Mao and his revolution were viewed worldwide. Suddenly, Snow was the go-to expert on China, with his insights shaping the views of policymakers from the Oval Office to distant university halls. The book's Chinese translation inspired throngs of students to leave their academic paths and rally to Mao's hideouts.

Globally, "Red Star Over China" transcended language barriers and borders, mobilizing guerrilla fighters and revolutionaries across continents. Indeed, some argue the resonance of Snow's portrayal of Maoism eclipsed even that of Mao's own writings.

However, the integrity of Snow's account is debated, tinted by the highly controlled environment he reported from and the extravagant hospitality he received. This warm reception would later serve as the prototype for foreign visitors, a calculated display to veil the grimmer facets of Mao's regime from the world's eye.

A rivalry that reshaped the communist landscape

In a symbolic assertion of emerging global ambitions, China released a world map in 1966 that boldly placed itself right at the center. This was emblematic of a broader campaign characterizing Mao Zedong not just as China's leader, but as the champion of global revolution, taunting imperialism and flaunting opposition to both capitalist America and the Soviet Union, which had been veering away from Stalinist ideals.

This growing rift between China and the USSR was not merely ideological; it had profound practical consequences. Both superpowers jostled for influence across the developing world, precipitating a series of brash and aggressive plays on the international stage, particularly within Communist-leaning nations. Arguably, according to the author, this Sino-Soviet spat presaged the unraveling of the Cold War era.

This geopolitical tension was rooted in divergent ideological trajectories. With Khrushchev's ascendancy to power after Stalin's death, the USSR began de-Stalinization, seeking to dismantle the cult of personality that had loomed over the nation. This ideological pivot unsettled Mao, who relied heavily on his own cultivated cult of personality to retain his grip on power. Through public sparring and attempts to undermine the Soviet's strategies, Mao reinforced his stance on the need for continual revolution.

This contest with the Soviets served as a convenient rationale for Mao to push radical agendas domestically, such as the Great Leap Forward — ostensibly a plan for swift modernization that tragically plunged China into one of the most devastating famines in human history.

Yet, paradoxically, as its own people starved, China amped up its foreign aid efforts by more than half by the end of 1960. Propaganda was pivotal during this era, with the proliferation of Maoist literature, most notably the "Little Red Book" of quotations, which circulated more than a billion copies globally. Mao's vision began to supplant Soviet ideology in the hearts and minds of revolutionaries the world over.

The promise of education loomed large, too, as China extended scholarships to international insurgents, offering them training sessions in Beijing. The groundwork was being laid for Mao's influence to sprout in revolutionary movements well beyond China's borders.

How Maoist fervor became the spark for a massacre in Indonesia

Post-colonial Indonesia was a nation etched with the scars of struggle, having writhed under the yoke of Dutch and then Japanese domination. The first president, Sukarno, was a paramount figure in the crusade for independence. By the late 1950s, he orchestrated a tense balancing act, maneuvering between the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and the military to maintain his grip on power.

From 1965 to 1966, the country plunged into an abyss of horror as the military unleashed a campaign of extermination against the Communists. The brutal purge eliminated over half a million lives, with a spectrum of repugnant tortures preceding execution. The West was complicit, as intelligence and monetary aid from the United States and the United Kingdom bolstered the military's capacity for slaughter.

The PKI, infused with the spirit of Mao's ideological stance, increasingly voiced defiance against the military. Emboldened by Mao's advocation for confrontation, the party surged ahead with activities echoing Maoist methods — grassroots initiatives, empowerment of peasants, and proactive distribution of aid, all while receiving monetary backing from China's forthcoming coffers.

However, rhetoric and bold gestures were not buttressed by military prowess. Mao's philosophy emphasized the triumph of human will over material conditions — yet, without an armed wing, the PKI's provocation was akin to striking a hornet's nest with a stick.

On the first of October in 1965, a coup attempt unfolded. A cadre of key generals was abducted and murdered under the darkness of night. The true architects of this coup remain shrouded in mystery, yet it's speculated, as per the author, that the PKI's fingerprints marked the attempt. What ensued was a swift and severe reaction from General Suharto, who attributed this act to the Communists, thus launching a merciless extermination of perceived Communist sympathizers.

The coup attempt echoed Maoist bravado, a belief in victory through sheer willpower, yet lacked logistical diligence. Key military procedures like establishing communication networks were grossly neglected. In the turbulent wake, with cadres of PKI supporters and others extinguished, a fresh infusion of foreign capital surged into Indonesia, heralding a capitalist chapter defined by military dominion and weakened labor unions — an outcome tragically antithetical to Communist ideals.

African expeditions: China's quest for influence and a diplomatic triumph

Amid the fervor of the Great Leap Forward, China cast its gaze upon Africa, keen on forging bonds with burgeoning nations recently unshackled from colonial chains. Mao Zedong himself met with a slew of 111 African dignitaries in just the first half of 1960. The outreach quickly manifested into robust financial support, epitomized by China's colossal interest-free loan of $415 million to fund the Tan-Zam Railway — a rail link connecting Tanzania with Zambia's copper-rich regions.

From 1950 to 1978, the Chinese deluge of over $24 billion in aid poured into Africa, yet the lofty Maoist ambition to transplant its brand of governance was not met with the desired success. Despite the largesse, attempts at creating steadfast governance and allyship in recipients like Tanzania and Zambia faltered.

Amid these efforts, one pivotal figure was Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Known for his role in ensuring a non-violent transition from colonial rule, Nyerere embraced elements of Maoist ideology, intertwining anti-colonial rhetoric with socialist principles. Echoing Mao's focus on self-reliance, he even crafted his version of Mao's famed "Little Red Book."

Nyerere's introduction of ujamaa — an African adaptation of collectivized politics — mirrored aspects of China's agricultural collectivization, with equally debilitating outcomes. Under this policy's guise, nationalizations, village collectives, and reeducation camps emerged, but the result was rampant hardship, much like in China itself.

Yet, despite such setbacks across the continent, including failed projects and political blunders from Algeria to Cameroon, China played a long game, driven by ulterior motives. One significant aspiration was to secure the United Nations seat held by the Republic of China government in Taiwan. Through deft diplomacy and leveraging its newly gained African allies, the People's Republic of China emerged victoriously in this UN debate in 1971.

In the aftermath of Mao's departure in 1976, the Chinese political elite subtly redirected the drive toward economic development, downplaying the revolutionary zeal of Maoism. Still, Mao's ideological legacy would endure, its echoes resounding beyond the confines of China.

Mao's shadow over Southeast Asia's darkest chapters

The 1950s were marked by the pervasive influence of the domino theory in American political discourse—a belief that the fall of one Southeast Asian nation to Communism could precipitate a cascade of similar shifts throughout the region. This theory, although flawed, led the United States into the quagmire of the Vietnam War, consuming countless lives and a mountain of wealth.

It's less commonly known, but Maoist China held a similar view, seeing the Southeast Asian theatre as ripe for revolutionary dominoes to fall. It was an era where neighbors eyed each other with suspicion, and a creeping dread of domination rippled through the region.

China was a fervent supporter of the Vietnamese Communists in their struggle against French colonial rule, channeling substantial aid into Ho Chi Minh's war chest. This didn't just mean scholarships and training; it also included military supplies, crafting a lifeline crucial to the Vietnamese cause. Land reforms, echoing those in China, also endeared the Vietnamese fighters to the local populace.

Over time, however, the camaraderie between China and North Vietnam waned, particularly after China urged the acceptance of a partition at the 17th parallel during the Geneva Conference. The Vietnamese harbored bitterness toward the Chinese for nudging them into the acceptance of a fractured nation.

Meanwhile, a new protégé was emerging to take Mao's lessons to heart: Pol Pot in Cambodia. Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge, with a bloody rendition of Maoist collectivization, unleashed a genocide on its own people, a cruelty unlatched by Chinese financial sustenance amounting to an astronomical billion dollars.

Yet Mao would not witness the ultimate fate of Pol Pot's regime; his death in 1976 marked a gradual withdrawal of support from the Khmer Rouge. As Vietnam's forces marched into the deserted streets of Phnom Penh in 1979, China chose not to react. The curtain was falling on an era defined by China's export of revolutionary Maoism, signaling the end of China's direct involvement in fomenting Maoist conflicts abroad.

The far-reaching tendrils of Maoism in Western society

Mao Zedong's vision for unceasing revolution found fertile soil not just in the rural landscapes of China, but also in the urban centers of Western Europe and America. The ideology captivated a broad spectrum of activists—from civil rights advocates to insurrectionists. Maoism's influence, indeed, brought innovative dimensions to Western movements.

Leftist circles embraced Maoist tenets, such as "serving the people" and the practice of consciousness-raising, which fortified burgeoning feminist, gay rights, and radical environmental movements with new vigor and perspective.

Yet, it was Mao's stance against imperialism that truly resonated within the American civil rights epoch. Among African Americans, particularly radicals disillusioned by the assassinations of transformative leaders, Mao's guerrilla warfare tactics offered a tangible blueprint for resistance. Eldridge Cleaver of the Black Panther Party exemplified this alignment, proudly displaying Mao's iconography as a symbol of ultimate defiance.

In the revolutionary '60s, Germany's New Left felt a kinship with China’s anti-imperialist posturing. Mao's "Little Red Books" became symbols of dissent, deployed in political theater as activists showered crowds from the heights of a war-ravaged church in West Berlin.

Nonetheless, the extreme interpretation of Maoist violence eventually splintered Western leftist movements and sparked a backlash. Spectacles of terror, such as the Baader-Meinhof Gang's notorious aircraft hijacking, turned public sentiment against radical leftism. This undercurrent of fear ultimately smoothed the path for neoliberal consolidation of power in the West during the '80s.

Maoist thought also manifested in more nefarious forms. In London, the tale of Aravindan Balakrishnan's Workers' Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought descended into darkness. An ostensibly political commune morphed into a scene of prolonged captivity and psychological torment—all underpinned by Maoist indoctrination and techniques of self-criticism twisted into tools of abuse.

The reach of Mao's ideas across continents and contexts is a testament to both the adaptability and the potential for distortion inherent in political ideologies when they travel beyond their original borders and intentions.

The tragedy of Shining Path’s war against Peruvian peasants

In the landscape of Latin America's dynamic political shifts, Peru endured a particularly harrowing encounter with Maoist insurgency. The 1980s heralded the rise of the Shining Path movement, led by philosophy professor Abimael Guzmán. This was no ordinary rebellion; it resulted in over 69,000 deaths and unraveled the social fabric of rural Peru, leaving democracy's promise in tatters.

The Shining Path insurgency sprung forth from the impoverished areas of Ayacucho—regions ripe with ethnic marginalization and an emerging class of educated youth. Guzmán perceived these elements as the foundation upon which he could build a revolutionary force.

But the revolution envisioned by the Shining Path turned into a merciless assault on the very peasantry it purported to champion. Guzmán's uprising, initiated in 1980, was steeped in violence from the start, executing landowners and eschewing any moral constraints in exchange for revolutionary ends.

Initially, the Shining Path's ferocity won them a begrudging respect and recruits from peasant communities. However, as the atrocities escalated—with enforced conscription, sexual slavery, and gruesome punishment for defectors—Guzmán's movement alienated the masses it aimed to lead.

Compounding the violence was the Peruvian state's ham-fisted response, which for years was marked by horrifyingly brutal tactics mirroring the Shining Path's own cruelty.

By the early '90s, Shining Path's reach extended over half of Peru, signaling a nation teetering on the brink. Yet, amidst the chaos, a pivotal shift occurred in the government's strategy: the introduction of a nuanced counterterrorism initiative prioritizing intelligence over indiscriminate force.

Success came in September 1992 when a precision operation culminated in the capture of Guzmán. However, Shining Path's existence and the long echo of its brutality remain. Today, the legacy of that conflict still casts a shadow, having empowered politicians to wield anti-terrorism as a tool to undermine democracy.

Most tragically, it was the rural communities—the very demographic Maoist ideology claimed to support—that disproportionately bore the brunt of the violence. In this violent chapter of Peruvian history, the Maoist goal of liberating the peasantry had, in a bitter twist, led to their greatest suffering.

Maoist insurgency in India: A rural ordeal

The Dalai Lama's escape to Indian soil in 1959 formed just one thread of the complex tapestry defining Sino-Indian relations. A more ominous skein in this entwining has been Maoism's pervasive influence—which, for the past two decades, Indian officials have branded the gravest internal threat the nation faces.

The Indian Maoist movement was catalyzed by a trio of forces: a radical splinter of the Communist Party of India, deep socioeconomic strife, and the Chinese Communist Party's keenness to inspire a Maoist revolution in India.

In the heart of India, the countryside once again stood as the stage for Maoist strife:

- It was 1962 when Maoism began to seep into the Indian consciousness, seizing upon resentment towards a government that fumbled land reforms, much to the advantage of landowners.

- By 1967, the embers of discontent ignited in Naxalbari, a rural outpost where a peasant rebellion sparked. Yet when authorities reclaimed the village, the ensuing violence fueled widespread militant communism among students and dispossessed urbanites, who became notorious as Naxalites.

- The Naxalites broke away from the mainline Communist Party, rebranding themselves as the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). Mao’s personal welcome of these revolutionaries in Beijing underscored China's affinity with their cause.

State crackdowns saw thousands jailed and tortured in the early '70s, cornering Naxalites into a strategic retreat. They reemerged in Chhattisgarh, a region with a dense jungle canopy and a populace deeply aggrieved by exploitative state-corporate alliances. By the mid-'80s, land seizures had transferred 20,000 acres from state hands into Maoist control.

For years, the insurgents operated under the government's radar, maintaining a quiet dominance. The turn of the millennium saw a shift as the state, lured by mining interests, dispatched forces to dismantle the Naxalite strongholds.

The people of Chhattisgarh have been trapped in the crossfire of an onslaught led by state-sanctioned forces, who wield terror tactics including rape and torture against suspected Maoist sympathizers.

In this bitter clash, where corporate and state interests collide with insurgent defiance, the narrative remains distressingly consistent: rural populations, the putative beneficiaries of Maoist liberation, end up as the primary victims of a revolution that bears their name.

Xi Jinping’s leadership: Echoes of Mao's approach

China's political journey post-Mao has zigzagged through periods of transformative change and a gradual shift away from Mao's stringent policies. Yet with the ascent of Xi Jinping, there has been a discernible pivot back towards a political culture reminiscent of the Mao era.

After Mao's death in 1976, China embarked on a path of gradual privatization, dismantling the communes and even shredding the legacy of the "Little Red Book." This phase aimed to grapple with and move beyond the tumultuous shadows of the Cultural Revolution and Great Leap Forward.

However, today's China, under Xi Jinping's helm, has seen Mao's influence revived in a modern context. Xi's China has taken on renewed global assertiveness and reintroduced traditional Maoist practices of criticism and self-criticism sessions, and even established what resembles a personality cult. Most notably, the abolition of presidential term limits under Xi signals a shift toward potential lifelong leadership, mirroring the unbroken tenure of the chairman himself.

Xi represents a contemporary version of Maoist leadership:

- The de-Maoification was never total—a portrait of Mao still commands Tiananmen Square, and certain elements of his legacy were officially enshrined. Mao's iron grip on reacting to dissent is evident in the harrowing responses to protests, such as those in Tiananmen Square in 1989.

- Maoism started seeping back into the cultural fabric of China, with commerce seeing flashes of nostalgia through kitsch memorabilia and themed dining experiences.

- Neo-Maoist movements, vehement in their anti-imperialist stance and adulatory of Mao as a figure, posed a conundrum for the government, which had to balance between potentially stoking populist fires and maintaining its socialistic pretenses.

As Xi rose to prominence, the rhetoric of anti-corruption campaigns meshed with a revival of cultural motifs from the Mao era. Yet, while the unsavory aspects of Maoism were glossed over, Xi's governance found favor with neo-Maoists, who refrained from significant criticism.

In contemporary China, Xi has assumed the moniker of "great leader," and his ideologies are embedded in educational syllabi. While Xi's policies may diverge from Mao's doctrines, the influence of Mao remains entrenched in China, a testament to the enduring, if complex, legacy of its founding father.

Taking stock of Maoism's enduring global footprint

Maoism transcends its Chinese origins, having unfurled across the globe as a multifaceted ideology adaptable to various contexts. Rooted in the ideas propounded by Mao Zedong, the movement has been characterized by its flexibility, allowing disparate groups and leaders to extract and employ elements that resonate with their unique circumstances.

From the political tumults of Southeast Asia to the uprising in the Andean highlands, and from the insurrectionist fervor in India to the cultural and political waves made in the West, Maoism has proven to be a persistent and influential force. Its practitioners have deftly curated a selection of principles that align with their visions for revolution and change, proving that Maoism is not a relic of the past, but an active, evolving narrative in the global story of ideological evolution.