Putin's People - Book Summary

Dive into the enigma: Vladimir Putin and the legacy of the KGB in contemporary Russia.

Often labeled as Russia's "accidental president", Vladimir Putin's meteoric rise to the helm of power took many by surprise. How did this nondescript man, clad in a business suit, suddenly find himself holding the reins of a nation as vast and complex as Russia?

However, if you scratch beneath the surface, you'll find that Putin's ascent was far from an accident. His career, from his days in the mayoral administration of Leningrad, had been under the watchful eyes of former KGB agents. They assessed his loyalties, his public persona, and his overall capabilities with scrupulous attention.

Throughout his career, Putin was in constant contact with KGB agents, and his presidency has only solidified their hold over Russia's politics. So, let's delve into the intricate web of connections and events that brought Putin to power, and how his reign impacts not only Russia but the Western world as well.

In this captivating narrative, you'll discover:

- How a series of apartment bombings paved the way for Putin's presidency;

- The fate of a businessman who dared to call out Putin's corrupt practices; and

- The curious case of why Roman Abramovich, a Russian billionaire, acquired Chelsea Football Club.

Vladimir Putin: From the KGB's corridors to the heart of Russian politics.

Vladimir Putin harbored dreams of joining the Soviet Union's secret police, the KGB, from a very young age. It was an ambition kindled by the desire to walk in his father's footsteps. His determination was so pronounced that he reached out to the local LGB office in Leningrad seeking membership, even before he had completed his schooling.

Guided by the KGB's suggestions, Putin pursued specific educational programs and courses, demonstrating his commitment to serving the secret agency. Meanwhile, he channeled his youthful aggression into mastering judo.

On joining the KGB, Putin was stationed in Dresden, East Germany, in 1985. This was his baptism by fire into the world of clandestine operations, smuggling, and state-approved assassinations.

The pivotal insight here is: Putin was a part of the KGB, long before he made his mark in the political landscape.

When Putin arrived, Dresden was merely a nondescript East German outpost with a tiny KGB footprint - just six officers. The whole of East Germany was grappling with a dire financial crisis, and the ruling Communist Party teetered on the brink of dissolution.

In response to these challenges, the KGB initiated Operation Luch, a covert mission aimed at establishing a network of agents within political circles. This strategic move ensured that the KGB's influence in Germany would endure, irrespective of potential reunification.

Details about Putin's role in this operation remain shrouded in mystery. What we do know is that Putin ascended to become the primary KGB contact for the Stasi, the East German secret police. His Stasi ID card granted him unrestricted access to Stasi buildings and facilitated the recruitment of agents for Operation Luch.

Terrorism also factored significantly into the mission. The Red Army Faction, a Marxist organization in West Germany, which had close ties with the secret police, was a crucial ally in safeguarding KGB interests. A case in point: the unexpected death of the Deutsche Bank's chairman, seemingly triggered by a car bomb. Speculations abound that the Red Army Faction member, having undergone military detonation training with the Stasi, was behind the fatal attack. This incident weakened Deutsche Bank, paving the way for a Stasi-linked bank to rise in prominence.

These covert operations involving the KGB and the Stasi were stepping stones in Putin's long and winding journey to power.

The rise of business moguls: The 1990s heralded a shift in power from the KGB.

During the Soviet era, the KGB and the ruling Communist Party were inextricably intertwined. Together, they orchestrated a staggering array of financial crimes.

One such dubious operation involved the KGB covertly transferring millions of dollars to international left-leaning groups. The funds, ostensibly sourced from Communist Party donations, were essentially the government's own money, which it funnelled to Communist Party members. The KGB then moved the funds overseas.

In essence, the Communist Party, with the KGB as its execution arm, held the reins of the nation's economy and finances. But the winds of change began to blow with the liberal reforms introduced by Boris Yeltsin, who took over the presidency from Mikhail Gorbachev in 1991.

The defining insight here is: The 1990s witnessed the rise of young business magnates, whose influence began to overshadow the KGB.

In October 1991, President Yeltsin abolished the KGB and fragmented it into four distinct domestic departments. This didn't mean the end of the former KGB operatives' influence, as they continued to serve in advisory roles, occupied government posts, and held sway over the oil sector during the first half of the 1990s.

However, their power began to wane with Yeltsin's progressive democratic reforms, notably the privatisation of multiple industries. This opened the door for young business moguls, soon to be dubbed oligarchs, to rise to prominence.

But Yeltsin's state coffers were depleting. In response, a banker named Vladimir Potanin proposed a clever stratagem - loans-for-shares privatisation. The plan: in return for extending loans to the beleaguered Russian government, he and his oligarch peers would receive stakes in some of the nation's biggest businesses in the oil and resources sector.

These loans-for-shares privatisations enabled the oligarchs to amass colossal power, far outstripping that of former KGB officials. For instance, one such deal handed Potanin a controlling stake in Norilsk Nickel, a company boasting $1.2 billion in profits back in 1995. And all he had to do to secure this stake was to extend a $170 million loan to the government. When the government defaulted on the loan, as expected, Potanin acquired the Norilsk Nickel share for an amount slightly more than the initial loan.

These newly minted oligarchs wielded substantial influence over Russia's diverse sectors. Meanwhile, in the shadows of St. Petersburg, the KGB agents continued to exercise their authority.

As Vladimir Putin rises, the KGB gains a foothold in St. Petersburg’s economy.

The year was 1990 and the Soviet Union was on the brink of disintegration. Vladimir Putin was instructed to return to Leningrad—known today as St. Petersburg. His mission was to subdue the city's rapidly growing pro-democracy movement, perceived as a serious threat to the Communist Party's political stronghold.

Putin soon became the bridge between the KGB and a charismatic law professor named Anatoly Sobchak who was publically advocating for democracy while privately, it seemed, engaging in off-the-record dealings with the KGB. By May, Sobchak was named the chairman of the new city council, with Putin as his chief aide.

The key insight here is: Vladimir Putin's rise in St. Petersburg facilitated deep KGB infiltration into the city's economy.

When Sobchak ascended to the mayoral office, St. Petersburg was in a state of despair. The city's coffers were empty, grocery stores had nothing to offer but pickled cucumbers, and crime syndicates roamed unchecked, extorting local businesses at will.

Out of this turmoil, an alliance was born—between Putin and the KGB—that allowed the agency to effectively control St. Petersburg's economy.

The KGB's path to self-enrichment started with the establishment of a covert slush fund, known as obschak. This clandestine financial resource allowed for the transfer of funds to the KGB for personal and operational use.

To build this obschak, Putin's committee granted $95 million worth of export licenses to a string of dummy corporations. Theoretically, these firms were meant to import food supplies into the starving city. In reality, almost no food materialized. The money had been redirected into the obschak.

Alongside the obschak, the KGB seized control of Leningrad's seaport, under the administration of Viktor Kharchenko. One fateful day in 1993, Kharchenko was arrested and charged with embezzlement. Despite his subsequent release, Putin's KGB associates had already appointed their own man to his post.

Finally, the KGB assumed control of Leningrad's seaport and oil terminal through Ilya Traber, a figure associated with the Tambov organized crime group. With the backing of Putin and his deputy, Traber and one of Putin's KGB compatriots, Gennady Timchenko, assumed control of the port and oil terminal. In time, these men climbed the ranks to senior roles in the country's strategic assets after Putin assumed the presidency.

The political ascent of Putin in Moscow: from obscurity to Prime Minister.

The summer of 1996 saw the defeat of Anatoly Sobchak in St. Petersburg's mayoral election. Loyal to Sobchak, Vladimir Putin promptly tendered his resignation from the city administration.

Within a month, Putin received an invitation to move to Moscow. His initial offer was to serve as the deputy head of the Kremlin administration, but despite this role being blocked, he was soon appointed as the head of the Kremlin's foreign property department, overseeing Russia's imperial wealth. This was a major leap forward for Putin.

Yet, his swift rise within the political ranks was far from over.

The key takeaway here is: Putin's move to Moscow paved the way for a fast-tracked ascent in his political career.

Having assumed control of the Kremlin’s foreign property department, Putin's career experienced a flurry of further promotions. Initially, he was made head of the Control Department, tasked with executing the president’s directives in what were deemed as “wayward” regions. A mere three months later, he was named head of the FSB – the security agency succeeding the KGB. On August 9, 1999, to the surprise of many, Putin was declared the nation's new prime minister.

So how did Putin navigate his way to the top so rapidly? Retrospectively, it seems that his elevation was facilitated by former KGB generals. They needed someone they could manipulate, someone who would take orders and still project strength on television. Putin was their perfect candidate. However, at that juncture, he was relatively unknown to the public.

Everything changed in September 1999, when Russia was hit with a series of horrifying apartment bombings, resulting in nationwide fear.

In this moment of crisis, Putin stepped forward, effectively becoming the country’s supreme commander. With Chechen militants blamed for the bombings, Putin initiated a campaign of airstrikes across Chechnya. He publicly reassured the Russian people, vowing to retaliate and seek justice for the lost lives of innocent Russians.

Mystery still envelops these events, with speculations pointing towards the FSB as the secret orchestrators of the bombings. Regardless of these theories, the crisis undeniably elevated Putin's public standing. In him, Russians saw a bold, resolute leader. It was only a matter of time before the baton of presidency was passed on from Yeltsin to Putin.

Seizing control of the media set the stage for Putin's oil industry takeover.

At the dawn of Putin’s reign, few people foresaw the impending slide towards authoritarianism and kleptocracy. Nonetheless, there were a select few who sensed the forthcoming shift.

One such visionary was Boris Berezovsky, a powerful oligarch who, among his various ventures, owned the television channel ORT. The channel was frequently critical of Putin, often highlighting the less flattering aspects of his leadership. This included repeatedly airing footage of Putin jet skiing in the immediate aftermath of a catastrophic submarine explosion.

Incensed by the negative portrayal on ORT, Putin ordered an inquiry into allegations of embezzlement against Berezovsky. This ultimately led to Berezovsky’s flight from Russia. Putin’s take-down of ORT marked the beginning of his effort to suppress the free media and subdue the oligarchs who held sway over it. Having achieved this, he then turned his attention to conquering the oil magnates.

The central message here is: Seizing control of the media was the first step in Putin's wider agenda to wrest control of the oil industry.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Russian state lost its monopoly on the oil industry. The industry fragmented into four distinct companies: Lukoil, Yukos, Surgutneftegaz, and Rosneft. Thanks to Yeltsin’s privatization policies and the loans-for-shares scheme, the oil industry was effectively in the hands of the oligarchs.

When Putin inherited Yeltsin’s mantle, oil prices were on the rise, enriching the oligarchs' coffers even more. It became Putin’s objective to regain control over the oil sector. While Rosneft was already state-owned and the director of Surgutneftegaz maintained close ties with the KGB, Putin now had two companies left to secure: Lukoil and Yukos.

The strategy Putin employed to seize Lukoil was reminiscent of his media takeover - it all began with a trumped-up investigation.

In 2000, Vagit Alekperov, one of Lukoil's directors, was accused of tax fraud. Two years later, Lukoil's first vice president was drugged and kidnapped by individuals clad in police uniforms. A week following this incident, the government disclosed that Lukoil had agreed to pay $103 million in overdue taxes. It appeared that Lukoil and the Kremlin had come to some sort of an agreement: part of Alekperov’s stake in Lukoil would secretly be allocated to Putin – a claim which Lukoil vehemently denies.

With Lukoil under control, the only remaining oil major to conquer was Yukos. However, the owner of the oil company – who happened to be Russia's richest man at the time – wouldn't surrender his business willingly.

The annexation of Yukos marked the KGB's victory over the Russian oligarchy.

Once upon a time, Mikhail Khodorkovsky was the chairman and CEO of the oil company Yukos and a self-proclaimed adrenalinschik – an adrenaline junkie. From his early days of rock-climbing without any safety gear to sleeping peacefully in prison despite the imminent threat of knife attacks, Khodorkovsky was unshaken by danger.

So, when Vladimir Putin laid his eyes on Yukos, Khodorkovsky was undeterred by the president's lust for control. He took measures to deeply integrate the company with Western markets, hiring Western executives and drilling equipment manufacturers. He established Open Russia, a charitable organization aimed at teaching Russian youth about democratic principles. He even publicly accused the Russian government of corruption in a meeting attended by Putin himself.

Despite Khodorkovsky’s daring attempts to defy Putin, the crackdown on him proved too overpowering.

The critical takeaway is: The annexation of Yukos underlined the KGB's ultimate victory over the oligarchy.

During the early 2000s, Khodorkovsky was pouring millions into funding Putin’s political adversaries, including members of the Communist Party. He possessed significant political clout, even managing to muster enough parliamentary votes to halt Kremlin bills.

During an intimate dinner one evening, Putin demanded Khodorkovsky cease funding the Communists. As anticipated, Khodorkovsky resisted. This prompted Putin to embark on a series of severe measures against Yukos and its owner.

It began with the arrest of Alexei Pichugin, Yukos’s security chief, on murder charges. Next, Platon Lebedev, Khodorkovsky’s trusted associate, was apprehended. These arrests caused Yukos's stock prices to tumble. A few months later, FSB commandos carrying machine guns launched a raid across various Yukos-related sites in Moscow. Finally, Khodorkovsky himself was arrested.

Khodorkovsky was detained in a Moscow prison for eight months before his trial. He argued this was an abuse of power, setting a worrisome precedent. The court proceedings were hurried and manipulated by the Kremlin, with laws being applied retroactively and selectively. In the end, Khodorkovsky was sentenced to eight years in prison for tax fraud.

Publicly, Putin and his allies insisted that Khodorkovsky’s trial was not about seizing power but dealing with a rogue oligarch who needed to be disciplined. However, the outcome of the trial saw the Kremlin dismantling Yukos and appropriating many of its assets. Before Yukos's demise, 80 percent of Russia's oil output was privately owned. After the ordeal, it dropped to a mere 45 percent.

How Putin used terrorism to fortify his leadership.

On an ordinary Wednesday evening, October 23, 2003, a theater in Moscow not too far from the Kremlin was bustling with life. Nine hundred spectators were engrossed in a musical performance, completely unaware of the horror that was about to unfold. As the second act commenced, 40 Chechen militants abruptly invaded the theater, brandishing weapons and securing explosives throughout the venue. Women dressed in black hijabs, strapped with explosive belts, interspersed among the terrified audience.

Their ultimatum was clear: Russia must end its military operations in Chechnya, or the theater—and everyone in it—would be obliterated. But the situation was far more complex than it appeared on the surface.

The pivotal insight here is: Putin leveraged acts of terrorism to enhance his public image and political standing.

Three days into the hostage crisis, Russian security forces decided to use a potent gas, derived from fentanyl, a powerful opioid, to incapacitate the assailants. The operation was fraught with tragedy, as the gas also claimed the lives of 113 hostages. Instead of capturing the Chechens for interrogation, the security forces executed them.

The murky circumstances of the event’s resolution evoke more questions than answers. A confidante from within the Kremlin suggested that the siege was orchestrated by the FSB's head at the time, Nikolai Patrushev, to drum up support for the war in Chechnya and to depict Putin as the nation's savior.

Regardless of the truth behind these allegations, the incident served to amplify Putin's image both domestically and internationally. Observers commended him for averting an even greater catastrophe, boosting his approval ratings within Russia. Following the event, the FSB received substantial funding increases, while military operations in Chechnya intensified.

This so-called act of terrorism was cunningly utilized by Putin's administration to craft a cohesive national narrative, presenting Putin as a decisive and heroic figure.

Moreover, Putin endeavored to rekindle the tenets of the Russian Orthodox Church, echoing themes of sacrifice and enduring hardship — narratives deeply ingrained in Russia's historical consciousness. Simultaneously, he embarked on a campaign to demonize the West, attributing another terrorist attack in Chechnya to Western intervention without any credible evidence. As countries like Ukraine and Georgia experienced pro-Western revolutions, anti-Western sentiment under Putin's directive grew ever more vehement.

How the Kremlin's financial maneuvers fortified Putin's power and global influence.

In 2004, amidst the turmoil of dismantling Yukos and seizing its assets, another series of transactions on the Moscow stock market quietly augmented Putin's power. Shares of Sogaz, an insurance entity under the colossal Gazprom, were sold at a reduced rate to three seemingly unremarkable companies. It soon emerged that all three were intricately linked to Bank Rossiya, a financial titan in St. Petersburg with Yury Kovalchuk at its helm—an individual tied closely to Putin.

These transactions metamorphosed Bank Rossiya into a financial behemoth, positioned at the Kremlin's disposal.

The crucial insight here is: The Kremlin constructed a slush fund to not only enhance its wealth but also to support international operations.

Primarily, this financial arsenal served to lavishly line the pockets of Putin and his associates, aiding in the construction of opulent estates. Putin's own residence sprawled over four thousand square meters, boasting amenities like three helipads, a marina, and even a teahouse.

However, personal gain wasn't the singular purpose of the fund. It also became instrumental in advancing political agendas abroad, notably in Ukraine.

By November 2005, Ukraine's political landscape had dramatically shifted with Victor Yushchenko clinching the presidency, much to Russia's chagrin. Exploiting Ukraine's dependence on Russian gas, the Kremlin flexed its muscles, threatening an exorbitant hike in gas prices unless Ukraine caved to a specific arrangement: If Ukraine procured additional gas through the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo, prices would remain moderate.

Yushchenko conceded, allowing RosUkrEnergo—an entity allegedly under Putin's influence via Dmitry Firtash—a monopolistic grip on Ukraine's gas supply and significant access to its domestic distribution market. This arrangement was poised to funnel billions in profits, fortifying the positions of Putin's inner circle.

What ostensibly appeared as a straightforward business venture was actually rife with underhanded motives. RosUkrEnergo, serving as a facade for kickbacks to Gazprom, significantly undermined President Yushchenko. His governance was soon marred by a parliamentary vote of no confidence. By August 2006, Victor Yanukovych, favoring Russia, had ascended to the prime ministerial role.

This episode was merely a precursor to Russia's burgeoning network of covert firms and fiscal reservoirs, now setting its sights beyond its borders, with London next in line.

The Strategic Penetration of London by Russian Financial Interests.

As the millennium turned, Russia was on an economic upswing, thanks to soaring oil prices. A nascent middle class began to emerge, marked by Western-style malls in urban centers and even exotic cuisines in Siberia's far-flung locales.

It was against this backdrop of prosperity that Russian firms set their sights on Western financial arenas, particularly the London Stock Exchange. The year 2005 was a turning point, with Russian companies amassing over $4 billion from share sales in London – a stark contrast to the $1.4 billion raised globally in the 13 years since the Soviet Union's dissolution.

The focal point here is: London became the epicenter for Russian financial intrigues.

London's stock market held an allure for Russian enterprises, primarily due to its relatively lenient listing requirements compared to its New York counterpart. Many Western observers hypothesized that integrating Russians into the Western financial fold and its transparency standards could deter dubious financial activities. However, the outcome was quite the contrary – the influx of Russian money began to exert an undue influence on Western financial systems.

Roman Abramovich, a key figure from the Yeltsin era who had pledged allegiance to Putin, was instrumental in this infiltration. At Putin's behest, Abramovich ventured into London to acquire Chelsea Football Club, a strategic move to normalize Russian presence in Britain via the universally beloved sport of soccer.

Meanwhile, the Russian government secured a controlling interest (51 percent) in pivotal Russian entities, like Sberbank and VTB Bank, leaving the other 49 percent to Western investors. This arrangement opened the floodgates for Western capital into these firms without many in London recognizing or acknowledging the declining democratic ethos in Russia.

Blinded by the influx of capital, Londoners turned a blind eye to Russia's democratic backslide. Russian finances continued to flow into London, camouflaged by a network of offshore companies, while London’s real estate, legal, and financial services eagerly accommodated the influx of oligarchic wealth.

Through these strategic financial maneuvers in London, Russia not only showcased its economic power but also laid the groundwork for forthcoming political initiatives in the West.

The Chessboard of Global Politics: Russia's Strategic Use of Ukraine.

With the close of Putin's second term in 2008 and Dmitry Medvedev stepping into the presidency, the West harbored hopes for Russia's return to a more liberal economic pathway. Medvedev's openness to Western engagement sparked optimism for a resurgence of liberal values in Russia.

However, the early actions under Medvedev's presidency quickly dispelled these hopes. In August 2008, Russia's military intervention in Georgia, a country tilting towards the West and aspiring to join NATO, shattered any remaining illusions. Furthermore, Medvedev's extension of the presidential term signaled a clear pathway for Putin’s return, hinting at an impending era of expanded political influence.

Central to our understanding of this period is: Russia strategically employed Ukraine as a battleground for a proxy war against Western interests.

Upon reclaiming the presidency in 2012, Putin's financial operations gathered momentum. Yet, the Russian economy was showing signs of strain. The slowdown in oil price growth and the pervasive fear among investors about the unpredictable legal environment were alarming. Instead of initiating reforms, Putin doubled down on his ambition for imperial expansion.

The tension came to a head in February 2014 when Russia made aggressive advances towards Ukraine, leveraging a military base in Crimea as a pretext for potential military action should Ukraine continue on its pro-Western course. On February 27, armed individuals devoid of any national insignia seized the Crimean parliament, and a hastily arranged referendum saw Crimea voting to join Russia, stirring a wave of international concern.

In retaliation, Europe and the United States imposed sanctions targeting Putin's inner circle. Despite these measures, the unrest in Ukraine escalated, spilling into the eastern regions. Russia described its fighters as "volunteers," subtly acknowledging their involvement without overtly claiming responsibility. Putin later conceded that Russian troops were among these so-called volunteers, revealing the Kremlin's hand in the conflict. The devastating human cost of this engagement stands at 13,000 lives, including a significant civilian toll.

The annexation of Crimea and the ensuing conflict in eastern Ukraine underscored Russia's willingness to engage in a proxy war against the West. This episode not only highlighted the geopolitical stakes at play but also served as a precursor to Russia's broader strategy of sowing discord beyond its borders.

Russia's Strategic Push: Money and Ideology into the West.

Through the 2000s and into the 2010s, Putin and his circle adeptly maneuvered financial and cultural influence into Western terrains, employing an intricate mix of money-laundering mechanisms.

These operations included offshore entities receiving inflate payments from Putin’s close associates and the use of shell companies for executing fictitious loan agreements designed to extract money from Russia. Another method involved mirror trades, enabling the purchase of Russian stocks in rubles while counterpart companies executed identical sales through Deutsche Bank in London, seamlessly moving Russian funds into Western economies.

Amidst this financial influx, Putin harbored ambitions of exporting Russian culture and ideology.

The central narrative here is: Beyond the annexation of Crimea, Putin methodically channeled funds and cultural ideologies to the West.

Drawing a parallel to Western NGOs like George Soros’s Open Society, which champion liberalism and democracy globally, Russian intelligence crafted their counterparts. These entities, however, propagated ideals rooted in Russian Orthodoxy, emphasizing traditionalism, state loyalty, and anti-LGBT sentiments.

Russian finances, both state-sanctioned and covert, established a network dedicated to disseminating Kremlin-aligned narratives, bolstering the Russian language and cultural pride. This financial backbone also supported the establishment of Russian Cossack youth camps, the paramilitary biker group Night Wolves, and the Foundation of Saint Vasily the Great—ostensibly promoting Orthodox values while actually backing pro-Kremlin factions in Ukraine.

Moreover, Russia strategically fostered extreme political factions within European nations such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Austria, aiming to destabilize the EU and dilute consensus on sanctions. Gradually, Russia extended its influence to pivotal Western European nations like France, Germany, and Italy. In the UK, significant contributions found their way to the Conservative Party, with Russia’s security head cultivating a notable relationship with Boris Johnson, a key figure in the Brexit movement that threatened EU unity.

The United States too became a focus of Russia’s expansive maneuver, notably with the emergence of Donald Trump, marking a new chapter in Russia’s global influence strategy.

Russia's Entanglement with Donald Trump: A Prelude to Populism.

Long before tapping into the presidential race, Donald Trump's association with Russian entities had already been established. This relationship was initially forged through Shalva Tchigirinsky, an antiques smuggler alleged to have connections with the notorious Solntsevskaya organized crime group, who marveled at the opulence of Trump's Taj Mahal casino in Atlantic City.

Tchigirinsky's encounter with Trump opened a gateway for subsequent interactions with individuals affiliated with the KGB throughout the 1990s and into the more contemporary era.

Central to our understanding is: Russia identified a conducive ally in Donald Trump.

Throughout the late 20th and early 21st centuries, Trump gravitated towards Russian expatriate business figures frequenting his Taj Mahal casino. Felix Sater and Tevfik Arif, for instance, proposed financing and constructing luxury developments for Trump, using these projects as conduits for moving cash into the United States.

While many of these proposed ventures fizzled out, as Trump launched his presidential campaign in 2015, Russian engagement intensified. Sater, alongside Trump's legal representative Michael Cohen, mooted the development of a Trump Tower in Moscow, promising to enlist Putin's backing to ensure Trump's election success.

Trump's familial ties also came under scrutiny, notably when Donald Trump Jr. expressed interest in receiving compromising material on Hillary Clinton from a Moscow-based lawyer. Although initially fruitless, this venture coincided with a critical juncture: the hacking of the Democratic National Convention's servers by the Russian group Guccifer 2.0, followed by WikiLeaks releasing emails from Clinton's campaign chairman shortly before the election.

The Russian parliament's jubilant response to Trump's victory underscored the significance of this event. Rather than orchestrating a grand plot to install a Kremlin-friendly figure in the White House, Russia viewed Trump's ascendancy as a victory in and of itself. Trump's populist rhetoric and advocacy for divisive policies, his criticisms of NATO, and support for Brexit served as catalysts for discord within the United States, inadvertently aligning with the interests of Putin and his close advisers.

Decoding Putin's Russia: From KGB to Kremlin Control

In the era of the Soviet Union, the KGB stood as a dominating entity in Russia, wielding considerable influence over the national economy. This stronghold witnessed a decline in the 1990s, as a new wave of young oligarchs emerged, capturing significant power and wealth. However, this balance of power saw a dramatic shift with Vladimir Putin ascending to the presidency. His tenure marked the resurgence of former KGB operatives, who meticulously clawed back control over Russian business and the political sphere.

Throughout his leadership, Putin has enacted a systematic dismantling of Russia's democratic foundations. He has orchestrated the takeover of media outlets and pivotal industries, embedding his allies and solidifying his regime's authority. Simultaneously, Putin has doggedly pursued Russia's imperial ambitions, extending his influence beyond national borders and deliberately fomenting discord within Western societies.

Putin's strategic manipulation of financial and ideological resources has not only reaffirmed his dominance within Russia but also positioned the nation as a formidable force, capable of challenging and unsettling the global order. His reign illustrates a calculated blend of authoritarian governance and geopolitical maneuvering, aimed at reinstating Russia's stature on the world stage, often at the expense of democratic principles and international harmony.